Contemporary Britain: Our Path Forward from Colonialism

I’d like to start by recognizing the traditional custodians of the land where we gather today, the Ngunnawal people. I extend my respects to their elders, past, present, and future.

I also acknowledge all of Australia’s First Nations and their significant role in Australia’s history, as well as their standing in global history as the world’s oldest living culture. Furthermore, I recognize the beautiful cultures represented here by my ASEAN, Pacific, Five Eyes, and European counterparts. It’s a privilege to have all of you with us today, especially the women—happy International Women’s Day!

This recognition encompasses an understanding of Britain’s own historical and colonial background.

Although I will discuss Modern Britain, on this International Women’s Day, I also want to share my own journey as a British woman of Asian descent—a representative of Modern Multicultural Britain.

Over two decades ago, Robin Cook, our then Foreign Secretary, spoke about the reality of Britain in the 21st century.

He reminded us that London was established as the capital of Celtic Britain by Romans from Italy, who were later displaced by Saxons and Angles from Germany.

Richard the Lionheart conversed in French and relied on the Jewish community of England to raise the ransom that liberated him from captivity.

The belief that Britain was a ‘pure’ Anglo-Saxon society before the influx of Caribbean, Asian, and African communities is a myth.

If this perception of British identity distorts our past, it certainly misrepresents our future too.
Recently, Foreign Minister Penny Wong made headlines for a speech at Kings College in London.

As with many headlines, especially today—and I recognize I’m treading carefully by making this point at the National Press Club—some of the nuance was overlooked.

I concur with Penny Wong. We must define ourselves according to who we are today. We must not allow others to restrict us to a historical narrative.

Just as brevity hampers complexity, the story of modern Britain is simplified by distance.
It’s like a postcard of a painting that never existed.

To comprehend modern Britain is to acknowledge that we must proudly project our contemporary multicultural reality.

Our diversity and the inclusive society for which we strive represent who we are today.
This is our modern nationhood.

A nationhood that demands equality and fairness both domestically and internationally: values we share with Australia.

Last year, the British Council and Australia’s Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade delved into this complexity during the landmark “UK/Australia Season.”

Over one thousand British and Australian artists and educators collaborated globally, connecting us with nuance, beauty, and truth.

All sought to answer the question, “Who are we now?”

Britain has shaped the world, but equally, Modern Britain has been shaped by the world.

We do not ignore history, but we must learn from it to guide our present and future, to become the positive force we aspire to be.

Next week, I celebrate four years as the British High Commissioner to Australia, as well as the Head of our eight-country Oceania Network.

You’ll be glad to hear I have another year to go.

A significant aspect of my role has been enhancing our presence across this region, expanding our engagement, and elevating our relationship with Australia to one of true strategic partnership.

In this endeavor, I am reminded of the dilemma faced by mathematician Abraham Wald during World War Two.

Allied planes returned home with noticeable bullet damage.

The proposed solution was to add armor reinforcement.

But where should reinforcement be applied for the most benefit?

Wald analyzed data covering areas where returning planes sustained damage.

Wald dismissed the intuitive answer of strengthening the parts that showed the most damage.

His recommendation was to reinforce the sections of the returning planes that were least damaged.

Why reinforce the areas that remained unscathed?

Because the planes that suffered damage in those areas never returned.

Wald recognized that sometimes reinforcement is necessary in the least obvious places.

Last year, we announced the return of a Consul-General for Western Australia after nearly two decades.

In my inaugural year here, we re-established a diplomatic Consul-General in Brisbane. With our Consul-Generals based in Sydney and Melbourne, our diplomatic network has been restored across all Australian states and territories.

The history and ties between Australia and the United Kingdom might suggest less focus is needed in this region.

That perspective is misguided.

There’s a saying we often reference regarding the Australia/UK relationship: “the best of mates.”
The thing about mates is that you should never take them for granted.

You have to invest in the relationship.

That’s why our foreign ministers spent two days together with their defense counterparts at AUKMIN last month—discussing, sharing, understanding, challenging, and agreeing on a common purpose.

James Cleverly and Penny Wong concluded that at the end of AUKMIN, we are, and continue to be, the best of mates.

True partnership demands renewal and growth, and that is precisely what we are achieving.

Partnerships like our modern dynamic Free Trade Agreement, which will revolutionize bilateral trade between our nations.

Or the UK’s accession to the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for the Trans-Pacific Partnership.

We invest in each other— in 2021, we were Australia’s second-largest source of foreign investment. In turn, the UK is the second-largest destination for Australian investment overseas.

Relationships do not endure, even in your private lives, unless they acknowledge change and adapt to new dynamics.

If not, one day you may wake up and realize that you no longer recognize each other. So, we are proactive about this vital relationship.

Today, our Foreign Secretary James Cleverly introduced our new Women and Girls Strategy, built on the pillars of Rights, Freedom, and Potential—an agenda we share with Australia.

I recently spoke with a year eleven student, a high-achieving young woman of Asian descent.

I asked, as I often do, about her aspirations for thirty years from now.

“Prime Minister of Australia,” she replied.

On this International Women’s Day, it’s uplifting to note she expressed this ambition not as a dream, but as a tangible goal.

It’s an attitude we have endeavored to cultivate in the UK.

We have made significant strides in ensuring our Parliament reflects the diversity of Britain.

Thirteen percent of our population in the UK is from minority ethnic backgrounds.

Today, ten percent of our House of Commons comprises members from minority ethnic backgrounds.

While we have made progress, more work remains, particularly as Penny Wong reminded us, in how we project ourselves to the world.

So, let me clarify:

Yes, I represent the Britain of Bronte and Beckham.

But I also represent the Britain of Mary Seacole and James Cleverley, of Riz Ahmed and Rishi Sunak, of Courtney Pine and Kemi Badenoch, and for the literary-minded, of Zadie Smith and Hanif Kureishi.

A Britain that confronted its legacy from the slave trade by being a pioneer in the abolition of slavery, passing the Slave Trade Act in 1807.

A Britain that has led the global campaign against Modern Slavery in more recent times. This is the Britain that took the lead at COP 26, and through the Glasgow Climate Pact, maintained the 1.5 goal, which is crucial for our Pacific allies.

In just the last week, the Britain that is at the forefront of efforts to secure a landmark agreement on marine biodiversity at the UN, aiming to protect 30% of our oceans by 2030.

We are a Britain that has committed the equivalent of seven billion Australian dollars in support of Ukraine.

A Britain that has offered over two hundred eighteen thousand Ukrainians refuge in our nation since Russia’s invasion began.

A Britain that has provided Hong Kong-Chinese individuals the opportunity to become citizens of Britain.

And, in classic British style, we have done this with minimal fuss.

We take these actions because Britain will always stand against aggressors and advocate for freedom and democracy.

And we do this with the support of the British people.

I am proudly British, and I say this as someone born in Malaysia, without a drop of English, Welsh, Scottish, or Northern Irish blood in my veins.

In ethnic terms, I am Eurasian, the daughter of Chinese and Dutch Burgher parents who moved to Britain with me at age eight, believing in British values and the opportunities Britain offered my sister and me.

Ten million Britons share my background, having been born abroad.

At nineteen, I took an entry-level role as a clerk in the Foreign Office in London.

On my first day, I encountered the typical experience many migrants face: the inevitable ‘Yes, but where are you really from?’ conversation.

My first boss, upon greeting me, was perplexed and remarked:
‘I don’t understand how you aspire to be a member of Her Majesty’s diplomatic service.’
I replied, “I am a legacy of Empire, and you reap what you sow.”

This was in 1979. A year later, I might have referenced a popular film: The Empire Strikes Back.

Throughout my career, I have witnessed ongoing changes in my organization, in terms of ethnic diversity, gender, and other differences.

When I first looked up the ladder on that inaugural day, there was no one like me, let alone senior women.

Today, women lead our missions in Tokyo, Beijing, Singapore, Moscow, Paris, Berlin, Washington, Wellington, Ottawa, and at the UN.

I was proud to make history as the first female career diplomat of color to become a High Commissioner when I was appointed to New Zealand.

I’ve also seen my country transform. A society that is ever more inclusive, where individuals, regardless of heritage, can achieve the highest office.

I’m unsure if we have an equivalent expression to our American friends’ ‘American dream’.
If we do, I’d say I’m proud of the ‘British reality’.

A reality where we have a Hindu prime minister of Indian heritage, a foreign secretary of Sierra Leone heritage, and indeed, where the daughter of immigrants can start at the lowest level of the civil service and rise to become the British High Commissioner to Australia.

Next Monday marks Commonwealth Day. This is the first since Gabon and Togo were admitted.

Neither nation has a colonial history with Britain, yet their desire to join the Commonwealth reflects the appeal of the ethos articulated by Queen Elizabeth:
“The Commonwealth is founded on the highest values: friendship, loyalty, and the aspiration for freedom and peace.”

It is why Prime Minister Fiame of Samoa traveled to Kigali last year for the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting, aiming to bring the Commonwealth to the Pacific in 2024, when Samoa will host CHOGM.

INDO-PACIFIC

As someone native to this region, and through my postings across the Indo-Pacific, including a return to my birthplace as British High Commissioner to Malaysia, I possess cultural awareness and a deep understanding of this region.

I believe this contributes to shaping the work and advice I deliver to my government.

My tenure in this role has coincided with a period of significant transformation for Britain and the world.

Our exit from the European Union necessitated a reassessment of Britain’s global standing amidst the changing currents of our geo-strategic landscape.

Our Integrated Review, published in 2021, outlined our strategy.

It made clear that, by geography, we are a Euro-Atlantic nation and that the defense of Europe—our immediate neighborhood—would always be a priority.

Our commitment to NATO remains steadfast, and I acknowledge my friend and colleague Betty Pavelich, the Croatian Ambassador who serves as NATO’s representative here in Canberra.

So too does our commitment to Ukraine in regaining their sovereignty.

However, the Integrated Review also emphasized the significance of the Indo-Pacific and the necessity for us to deepen our engagement in this region.

In recognition of ASEAN centrality, we have become an ASEAN Dialogue Partner, eager to collaborate with ASEAN to achieve their objectives and goals, as they align with ours.

In light of our Pacific allies—who are on the frontlines of climate impacts—we shall utilize our convening power, as demonstrated in Glasgow, to amplify their global voice.

Over the past four years, the UK has doubled our presence across the Pacific Island countries.

We now have High Commissioners in Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Tonga, Samoa, and Vanuatu.

Just as it is my distinct honor to represent my country in Australia, our missions across the Pacific are privileged to learn from and support our Pacific partners.

The establishment of our new Pacific Development Unit, led by our former High Commissioner to Vanuatu, who is with us today, reinforces our commitment.

We have established a robust network, complemented by strategic oversight from individuals who comprehend the significance of the Pacific and have lived and worked in the region.

This symbolizes a partnership grounded in practicality—not merely words on paper, but people on the ground.

As our Foreign Secretary has stated, Euro-Atlantic and Indo-Pacific economies and security are interconnected.

Sixty percent of global shipping traverses this region.

Consequently, security and stability here affect us all.

And the UK, being a seafaring nation, has always recognized this.

Our ships, HMS Tamar and HMS Spey, represent our intent to maintain a permanent presence in the Indo-Pacific.

Last year, HMS Spey aided in the humanitarian response following the Tonga volcanic eruption.

In the past week, thanks to our partnership with Australia, the UK supplied shelter kits to the Government of Vanuatu to assist in their recovery from cyclones Judy and Kevin.

These climate impacts underscore why, at COP 26 in Glasgow, we announced £274 million for a new initiative to enhance climate resilience across the Indo-Pacific.

Whether combating historical slave traders, providing relief for natural disasters, or remaining vigilant against those who threaten a free and open Indo-Pacific, Britain will always defend democracy and freedom worldwide.

AUKUS

This commitment is why we have pledged to AUKUS, the trilateral security and defense partnership among the UK, Australia, and the United States.

The drumbeat of reporting and speculation surrounding Pillar 1 is nearing a pinnacle.

The optimal pathway will soon be revealed, and I imagine that journalists in the room would not be doing their jobs if they refrain from seeking new information during the post-speech Q&A. It’s a futile endeavor.

To preempt these inquiries, let me say that all will be unveiled shortly, but I cannot divulge specifics today.

What I can convey is this:

Our historic AUKUS agreement embodies the unique trust shared among the UK, US, and Australia.

It reflects our common values and our collective commitment to peace and security in the Indo-Pacific.

In light of Russia’s unlawful invasion of Ukraine, it may have been understandable for the UK to shift its focus.

Instead, we have reaffirmed our dedication to the Indo-Pacific.

Our unwavering support for Ukraine has occurred simultaneously with our bolstered presence and engagement in the Pacific.

These issues are not separate; they are two sides of the same coin.

We recognize that China poses a systemic challenge to our values and interests. Yet, we also acknowledge that these perspectives may not be universally shared.

Of course, we also recognize China’s relevance in global affairs.

Hence, diplomacy and engagement have never been more crucial.

Let me employ a sporting analogy, as we know how much you Australians cherish your sports.

A fair competition can only thrive within a fair framework respected by all participants.

While competition between nations is healthy, coercion is not. We will uphold the international rules-based system, including modernizing and reinforcing it in response to current experiences and new global challenges, such as Climate Change.

We will support Australia and our allies across the Indo-Pacific, and wherever the rules-based international order is under threat.

This is the Modern Britain shaped by the world.

This is the Global Britain that understands the legacy and responsibilities of empire.

This is My Britain.

If you’ll permit me, I’ll conclude with a poem by Emily Bronte:

I’m happiest now when most away
I can tear my soul from its mould of clay,
On a windy night when the moon is bright,
And my eye can wander through worlds of light.

When I am not, and none beside,
Nor earth, nor sea, nor cloudless sky,
But only spirit wandering wide
Through infinite immensity.

This poem resonates deeply with me, as it might for many diplomatic colleagues here today.

To me, although written in a different era and place, it speaks to this beautiful land and the spirit of its First Nations people, wandering wide through the infinite immensity of time and space on this land known as Australia today.

Like Bronte, I am at my happiest when I am representing my nation in yours, and I thank you for the honor.

Thank you.